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Read Cockburn and St. Clair's Whiteout: the CIA, Drugs and the Press and discover how the CIA gave a helping hand to the opium lords who took over Afghanistan, thus ushering the Taliban into power.

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July 9, 2002

Stanton and Madsen
God, Incorporated

Kurt Nimmo
IDF, Gangbanging with Tanks

Bill Christison
Disastrous Foreign Policies
of the US Part 3:
What Can We Do About It?

July 8, 2002

Rick Mercier
Yucca Mountain Bound

Lev Grinberg
The BUSHARON Global War

Tariq Ali
How Bush Used 9/11 to Remap the World

Lori Allen
The Tugs of War:
Palestinian Life Under Curfew

July 7, 2002

Alexander Cockburn
White House Crooks

July 6, 2002

Gavin Keeney
Loose Lips:
Liberty, Democracy & Bush

Michael Neumann
What's So Bad About Israel?

Steve Baughman
Ashcroft's Vendetta:
Lynching John Lindh

July 5, 2002

Ahmad Faruqui
Bush Freezes Peace Process

Todd May
Independence and Terrorism

Rahul Mahajan
Why I Won't Celebrate the Fourth of July This Year

July 4, 2002

S. Brian Willson
What the Flag Means to Me

Philip Farruggio
Independence Day and
the Working Poor

Tom Gorman
The Uncommon Pledge
of Allegiance

Chris Floyd
Jungle Fever:
Bush's Bolivian Mercenaries

July 3, 2002

Francis Boyle
The Death of the Oslo Accords

Mokhiber / Weissman
Cracking Down on Corp. Crime

Robert Jensen
Lynne Cheney's Primer

Behzad Yaghmaian
An Alternative to the G-8s Africa Initiative
Toward a Global AIDS Fund and a Living Wage

John Borowski
Public Schools Under Seige

Norman Madarasz
Brazil, the Workers' Party and the Financial Times

July 2, 2002

Leah Wells
The Wedding Was a Bomb

CounterPunch Wire
Trial of the SOA 37

Edward Hammond
Bombing the Mind:
The Pentagon's Drug Warfare

Sam Bahour
Ramallah Occupied:
Uninvited Guests Become Neighbors

July 1, 2002

Norman Madarasz
Brazil's Triumph

June 28/30, 2002

Kathleen Christison
The True Story of Resolution 242 or How the US Sold Out
the Palestinians

Cockburn / St. Clair
Death, Juries and Scalia

Tarif Abboushi
Bush's Double Standard
on Israel

N.D. Jayaprakash
Seething with Rage:
The Palestinian Saga

Michael Yates
Taking the Pledge:
Teachers and the Flag

Stephen Zunes
Bush's Speech a Setback
for Peace

Walt Brasch
The Pledge v. The Constitution

Cockburn / St. Clair
Strikers as Terrorists?
Tom Ridge Calls Longshoremen

100s of Links About 9/11

Complete Coverage of 9/11 and Its Aftermath

Five Days That
Shook The World:
Seattle and Beyond

By Alexander Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair
Photos by Allan Sekula

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Published March 15, 2002

  • Facing Down Rehnquist and Scalia:
  • Jennifer Harbury at the Supreme Court;
  • ADL Throws in Towel, Pays Up:
  • How They Worked for Apartheid Regime and Spied on NAACP:
  • Cockburn on America the Bully:
  • From Teddy Roosevelt to George W.
  • St. Clair on Musicians Against the Death Penalty & The Legacy of the Mekons.

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Read Whiteout and Find Out How the CIA's Backing of the Mujahideen Created the World's Most Robust Heroin Market and Helped to Finance the Rise of the Taliban and Osama bin Laden

CIA, Drugs & the Press

by Alexander Cockburn
and Jeffrey St. Clair

The Memphis Blues Again:
Six Decades of Memphis Music Photographs
Photos by Ernest Withers
Text by Daniel Wolff

The New Intifada:
Resisting Israel's Apartheid

Edited by Roane Carey














A Pocket Guide to
Environmental Bad Guys
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The Phoenix Program
by Douglas Valentine

Al Gore:
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by Cockburn
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Reviews of Gore:
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Private Warriors
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CounterPunch's Booktalk

July 8, 2002

European Worries and Bush's Terror War

by Gary Leupp

The United Kingdom and the United States are, to use that rather disturbing Chinese expression, "as close as lips and teeth." Their governments rarely disagree in public. Yes, there was that Suez Affair way back when, and some difference in approach to the Falklands War, at least for a few days, during the Reagan-Thatcher years, but for the most part it's been the coziest of relationships. Tony Blair's administration, almost alone among foreign governments, has even endorsed Bush's call for war against Iraq, not, one suspects, out of any genuine enthusiasm, but out of desire to maintain the "special relationship" that suits its long-term interests. So it's significant when unnamed, high-ranking officials in the British administration tell the London Telegraph (June 30) that the Bush team is "rather unpleasant," "protectionist and self-interested," and even (in vetoing the UN Security Council's mandate to maintain international forces in Bosnia) "crazy." Or when "leading British civil servantsmainstream, small-c conservative figures whose work, in its different ways, sometimes depends on maintaining good relations with the Americans," tell the Telegraph's John Simpson that Mr. Bush is "puerile," "absurdly ignorant" and "ludicrous." (The British have been erring on the side of civility, compared with the other Europeans.)

Governments that endorsed the U.S. bombing of Afghanistan, and are conscientiously conducting police operations against alleged al-Qaeda cells in Europe, have become deeply worried about where the "War on Terrorism," and U.S. policy in general (it's getting hard to separate these two), are heading. That, I submit, is a very good thing. The Europeans are like the sober ones at the family gathering, who first smile nervously at the troubled drunk whose loud chatter and abrasive behavior offends all assembled. They know he's just suffered a terrible loss and so are inclined to treat him with indulgence. But finally, after exchanging worried glances, they decide to say something.

The turning point was January 29, when President Bush in his State of the Union speech said things so offensive to the intelligence of educated continentals (those whom the Rumseld-Wolfowitz cabal disparages as "European Úlites") that they just had to deliberately distance themselves from his statements. Recall, this was the high-profile "address" in which Dubya made no reference at all to Osama bin Laden, and only passing reference to al-Qaeda, while stoking fears that "tens of thousands" of evildoers trained in Afghan camps, and now dispersed throughout the world, posed an infinite threat. (Colin Powell, with the greater eye for detail, and perhaps some sensitivity to the ridicule really foolish misstatements produce on the diplomatic front, reportedly questioned the numbers. About 30,000 foreign Muslims trained in CIA and Saudi-financed camps in Afghanistan in the 1980s. But it's not at all clear how many of them are currently linked to the al-Qaeda network. Some in the U.S. government think al-Qaeda as such is down to a few hundred.) More importantly, Bush labeled Iraq, Iran and North Korea an "axis of evil" threatening the U.S., and hinted at a unilateral U.S. strike against Baghdad.

Former President Jimmy Carter broke tradition in denouncing the standing president's "axis" formulation as "overly simplistic and counterproductive," and opined that "it will take years before we can repair the damage done by that statement." European reaction was similarly negative. Chris Patten, the European Union's de facto minister of foreign affairs, said, "I find it hard to believe that's a thought-through policy." French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine told reporters, "We are friends of the United States, we are friends of that people and we will remain so. But we are threatened today by a new simplism which consists in reducing everything to the war on terrorism." Referring to implicit plans to attack Iraq, he added, "Europeans are unanimous in not supporting the Middle East policy of the White House." German deputy foreign minister, Ludgar Vollmer, stated, "We Europeans warn against [attacking Iraq]. There is no indication, no proof that Iraq is involved in the terrorism we have been talking about for the last few months... this terror argument cannot be used to legitimize old enmities."

On February 2, at an international security conference in Munich, the European moderator politely asked U.S. Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz to explain the meaning of the "axis of evil." Wolfowitz's clipped and cryptic response: "Countries must make a choice." (Now what's that supposed to mean to an allied government that sympathizes with post-Sept. 11 America, and endorses the campaign in Afghanistan, but thinks an attack on Iraq would be---as Nelson Mandela, a fairly respectably "mainstream" figure, put it on December 3---"a disaster"? It means: "Look, we have the wherewithal to destroy, at our own pace, all the Evil in the world. You can cooperate; or you can stand aside, but if you do so, you'll face our contempt and wrath.")

At the same time, Bush adviser, Richard Perle said of the "War on Terrorism": "This is total war. We are fighting a variety of enemies. There are lots of them out there ... If we just let our vision of the world go forth, and we embrace it entirely, and we don't try to piece together clever diplomacy but just wage a total war, our children will sing great songs about us years from now." (Yes. Imagine the stirring ballads one might compose, about the incineration of Baghdad, Basra, Karbala, Mosul and the subsequent distribution of Iraq's oil assets to the several corporations best represented in the Bush cabinet. Worthy of the harps of the minstrels of Rivendell!)

Fortunately the arrogant language has not intimidated all U.S. allies, who continue to pointedly question the White House's wisdom. On March 15, Turkish Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit said, "We feel that Iraq should not be the subject of military attacks because it would upset the whole Middle East Since the Gulf War, Iraq has been under strict control It is under constant surveillance, so it is not in a position anymore to inflict any harm on its neighbors or even against its people." (Turkey was joined by Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, all of whom have insisted they do not feel threatened by Iraq). German chancellor Gerhard Schr÷der stated Germany would not support a unilateral US strike against Iraq, while a French government spokesperson declared, "Any kind of military operation should of course exist within that existing UN framework. France agreed to support the U.S. attacks in Afghanistan after September 11 because the situation was new, there was clear proof that al-Qaeda was operating there. The country had been warned, and the strikes were targeted. [But] Iraq is different." Even the British Home Secretary, David Blunkett, warned colleagues of "major disturbances both internationally and in Britain" if the U.K. were to back a U.S. strike.

On March 17, German Foreign Minister, Joschka Fischer, and the Defense Minister, Rudolf Scharping both announced that German participation in a second Gulf War would not be desirable or feasible. British Minister for International Development Clare Short declared her opposition to new Gulf War, threatening to resign from Blair's cabinet if it supported an attack on Iraq. Two days later, the leader of the British House of Commons and former Foreign Secretary, Robin Cook, spoke out against war with Iraq. Former Cabinet member Mo Mowlam accused Blair of disregarding domestic opinion, writing in The Sunday Mirror: "Blair seems to be making it clear that he has more sympathy with the wishes of Washington and their reckless attitude than he does for his own party and even members of his Cabinet." 130 members of British House of Commons signed a motion against war with Iraq. (In a not unrelated development, a miffed Rumsfeld complained March 28 that U.S. allies weren't doing enough to keep the peace in Afghanistan. The subtext was: They just complain, while we do the dirty work.)

My point is not to glorify these European officials for expressing doubts about U.S. simplisme and Dubya's apparent appetite for infinite global war. Surely there are aspects of inter-imperialist rivalry here. Some imperialist countries would suffer greater damage than others should the rage felt in the Arab/ Islamic street spin totally out of control, and their governments are more concerned about that issue than the moral question of bombing more kids. My point, rather, is that contention between the U.S. and Europe at this point seems to have delayed implementation of the Defense Department warmongers' "total war" vision, and that provides some hope.

On July 5 the New York Times reported on a blueprint prepared by the Defense Department for a three-pronged attack on Iraq to occur next year, based principally in Kuwait but involving eight surrounding countries in all. A Reuters dispatch based on the Times report noted in passing that none of the countries whose cooperation was posited had "yet been consulted" about their involvement in the war. Despite repeated statements by Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, even Kuwait, that they do not feel threatened by Iraq; and despite strong Arab League denunciations of U.S. war plans, the acquiescence of sovereign nations to U.S. diktat is merely assumed. The Rumsfeld-Wolfowitz cabal smugly assures us that "behind the scenes" U.S.-friendly regimes are cooperating with the war plans, or will be threatened or cajoled into compliance. Maybe, indeed, they will; and perhaps Europe, too, will be bullied into a supportive role, promised in exchange some slices of the (postulated) postwar pie. (There has, for example, been some talk about garnering Turkish cooperation in return for some border adjustments that will give Ankara the oil fields of Mosul.)

But there's another scenario. The U.S. may indeed go it alone. Europe may decide to be neither "for or against" bullying America, but remain anxiously neutral, fearing that Washington's terror war on Iraq might explode into World War III, pitting the Muslim world (about 20% the world's population, with many decades of accumulated---and thoroughly legitimate---anger towards imperialism) against the West. Mainstream politicians may then (appropriately) intensify their criticisms of the puerility and craziness prevalent across the Atlantic, and the mainstream European press (routinely derided in this country as "anti-American") may then really take off the gloves (not because it's really very leftist or radical, but just, in a relative sense, sane at this point). NATO may suffer a fatal blow. All of this, totally fine.

The worst scenario involves Europe, alongside Japan and the oil sheikdoms of the Arab world, marching lockstep into an unjustified war (with no "legitimatising" link to Sept. 11), guaranteed to revolt and provoke not only Muslims, but the masses of the Third World. (These of course include people of all faiths, and of no faith, who know all too well the terror of imperialist attack and subjugation.) This is the scenario of a truly apocalyptic and elemental war: Imperialism versus the Human Beings of the Planet Earth.

Europeans (and "their" governments) should "just say no" to the terror war plans. If they do, perhaps, years from now, their children will compose great songs about them.

Gary Leupp is an an associate professor, Department of History, Tufts University and coordinator, Asian Studies Program
He can be reached at: gleupp@tufts.edu

Today's Features

Stanton and Madsen
God, Incorporated

Kurt Nimmo
IDF, Gangbanging with Tanks

Bill Christison
Disastrous Foreign Policies
of the US Part 3:
What Can We Do About It?

home / subscribe / about us / books / archives / search / links /